
flass F 4 5 ? 
Book . L ?_3 



DOCUMENT No. II. 



The Defender 

DEVOTED TO THE PROTECTION OF AMERIOAN LABOR AND INDUSTRIES. 

THE AMERICAN PROTECTIVE TARIFF LEAGUE, 

No. 339 Broadway, Between Worth and Leonard Sts. 



NEW YORK, 1912. 



ABRAHAM LINCOLN ON THE TARIFF. 



THE GREAT EMANCIPATOR A FIRM BELIEVER IN 

THE POLICY OF PROTECTION 

TO AMERICAN LABOR AND INDUSTRY. 



Extracts from Lincoln's Speeches and Writings on the Tariff. 



ADDRESS DELIVERED BY 

HON. WILBUR F. WAKEMAN 

At the Seventh Annual Lincoln Dinner of the Sullivan County 
(N, Y.) Republicans, at Liberty, February 12, 1912. 

\ ■> 

on 



\ 



ADDRESS DELIVERED BY 



HON. WILBUR F. WAKEMAN 

At the Seventh Annual Lincoln Dinner of the Sullivan County 
(N. Y.) Republicans, at Liberty, February 12, 1912. 



Mr. Toastmaster and Gentlemen: — 
On occasions of this kind I am ex- 
pected to speak on the Tariff ques- 
tion. I shall speak on the Tariff ques- 
tion. What is the Tariff? A Protec- 
tive Tariff represents a tax on im- 
ports from foreign countries. Many- 
people have said that the Tariff is 
not a tax. It is a tax. It is a tax on 
the products of foreign nations. The 
Protective Tariff is a principle based 
on a national system of Protective 
Tariff duties. You can split a price, 
but you cannot split a principle. Un- 
derstand, please, if I come to you and 
want to buy a given article, I ask you 
the price; you reply that the price 
is one hundred dollars. I say to you 
I will give you ninety dollars. We 
compromise and you sell me the ar- 
ticle for ninety-five dollars. But you 
can't split a principle. Honesty is a 
principle. You can't be 90 per cent, 
honest. If you are honest you must 
be 100 per cent, honest; and so with 
the principle of Protection. You must 
be 100 per cent, a Protectionist, or you 
are something else. 

The Lincoln Day dinner, of which 
this is a splendid "example, has be- 
come a national celebration, and it 
seems appropriate that my remarks 
should be based on 



The Position of Abraham Lincoln on 
the Tariff Question. 

Mr. Lincoln has been quoted in all 
kinds of ways in connection with the 
Tariff, and for years I tried to get his 
original expressions on this subject. 
After the most careful examination 
running over a period of years, and 
after communication with his son, the 
Hon. Robert T. Lincoln, I think I am 
safe in saying that Mr. Lincoln's orig- 
inal views on the subject of a Pro- 
tective Tariff were as follows: 

Abraham Lincoln delivered his first 
political speech in 1832, when a can- 
didate for the Legislature of Illinois. 
It was as follows: 

"Gentlemen, Fellow-Citizens: I pre- 
sume you know who I am. I am humble 
Abraham Lincoln. I have been solicited 
by many friends to become a candidate 
for the Legislature. My politics can be 
briefly stated. I am in favor of the 
internal improvement system and a high 
Protective Tariff. These are my senti- 
ments and political principles. If elected, 
I shall be thankful; if not, it will be 
all the same." 

Abraham Lincoln and Protection. 

On February 15, 1861, President-elect 
Lincoln addressed a large concourse 
of people at Pittsburgh, Pa. Among 
other things he said: 



Fellow citizens, as this is the first 
opportunity I have had to address a 
Pennsylvania assemblage, it seems a fit- 
ting time to indulge in a few remarks 
on the important question of the Tariff, 
a subject of great magnitude, and one 
attended with many difficulties, owing 
to the great variety of interests in- 
volved. So long as direct taxation for 
the support of the Government is not 
resorted to a Tariff is necessary. A 
Tariff is to the Government what meat 
is to a family; but while this is admit- 
ted, it still becomes necessary to modify 
or change its operations, according as 
new interests or new circumstances 
arise. So far, there is little difference 
of opinion among politicians, but the 
question as to how far imports may be 
adjusted for the Protection of home in- 
dustry gives rise to numerous views and 
objections. Permit me, fellow-citizens, 
to read the Tariff plank of the Chicago 
platform, or rather, have it read in your 
hearing by one who has younger eyes 
than I have. 

Mr. Lincoln's private secretary then 
read Section 12 of the Chicago plat- 
form, as follows: 

That while providing revenue for the 
support of the general Government by 
duties upon imports, sound policy re- 
quires such an adjustment of these 
imports as may encourage the develop- 
ment of the industrial interests of the 
whole country; and we commend the 
policy of national exchanges, which 
secures to the workingmen liberal wages, 
to agriculture remunerating prices, 
to mechanics and manufacturers an 
adequate reward for their skill, labor 
and enterprise, and to the nation com- 
mercial prosperity and independence. 



shades of difference in construing even 
this platform, but I am not now intend- 
ing to discuss these differences, but 
merely to give you some general ideas 
of the subject. I have long thought 
that if there be any article of necessity 
which can be produced at home, with 
as little or nearly the same labor as 
abroad, it would be better to Protect 
that article of labor at its true stand- 
ard of value. If a bar of iron, got out 
of the mines of England, a bar of iron 
taken from the mines of Pennsylvania, 
can be produced at the same cost, it 
follows that if the English bar be ship- 
ped from Manchester to Pittsburgh, 
and the American bar from Pittsburgh 
to Manchester, the cost of carriage Is 
appreciably lost. (Laughter). If we 
had no iron here, then we should en- 
courage the shipment from a foreign 
country, but not when we can make 
it as cheaply in our own country. 
This brings us back to the first propo- 
sition, that if any article can be 
produced at home with nearly the 
same cost as abroad, the carriage is lost 
labor. The treasury of the nation is in 
such a low condition at present that^ 
this subject now demands the attention 
of Congress, and will demand the im- 
mediate consideration of the new ad- 
ministration. If I have any recommen- 
dation to make it will be that every 
man who is called upon to serve the 
people in a representative capacity 
should study the whole subject thor- 
oughly, as I intend to do myself, 
looking to the varied interests of the 
common country, so that when the time 
for action arrives to advocate that 
Protection may be extended to the coal 
and iron of Pennsylvania, the corn of 
Illinois and the reapers of Chicago. 



Protection for all Productive Industry. 
Mr. Lincoln continued : 

Now, I must confess that there are 



The following selections from the 
complete works of Abraham Lincoln 
were written by him between his elec- 



tion to Congress in 1846 and taking 
his seat in December, 1847: 

Mr. Lincoln's Notations. 

"Whether the Protective policy shall 
be finally abandoned is now the question. 
Discussion and experience already had, 
and question now in greater dispute 
than ever. Has there not been some 
great error in the mode of discussion? 
Propose a single issue of fact, namely: 
Prom 1816 to the present, have Pro- 
tected articles cost us more of labor 
during the higher than during the lower 
duties upon them? Introduce the evi- 
dence. Analyze this issue, and try to 
show that it embraces the true and 
whole question of the Protective policy. 
Intended as a test of experience. The 
period selected is fair, because it is a 
period of peace — a period sufficiently 
long (to) furnish a fair average under 
all other causes operating on prices, a 
period in which various modifications 
of higher and lower duties have occur- 
red. Protected articles only are em- 
braced. Show that these only belong to 
the question. The labor price only is 
embraced. Show this to be correct. 

Effect of Duties Upon Prices. 

"I suppose the true effect of duties 
upon prices to be as follows: If a 
certain duty be levied upon an article 
which by nature cannot be produced in 
this country, as three cents a pound 
upon coffee, the effect will be that the 
consumer will pay one cent more per 
pound than before, the producer will 
take one cent less in profits; in other 
words, the burden of the duty will (be) 
distributed over consumption, production 
and commerce, and not confined to 
either. But if a duty amounting to full 
Protection be levied upon an article 
which can be produced here with as 
little labor as elsewhere, as iron, that 



article will ultimately and at no distant 
day, in consequence of such duty, be 
sold to our people cheaper than before, 
at least, by the amount of the cost of 
carrying it from abroad. 

Useless Labor. 

"First as to useless labor. Befor* 
proceeding, however, it may be as well 
to give a specimen of what I conceive 
to be useless labor. I say, then, that 
all carrying, and incidents of carrying, 
of articles from the place of their pro- 
duction to a distant place for consump- 
tion, which articles could be produced 
of as good quality, in sufficient quan- 
tity and with as little labor at the place 
of consumption as at the place carried 
from, is useless labor. Applying this 
principle to our country by an example, 
let us suppose that A and B are a 
Pennsylvania farmer and a Pennsylvania 
iron maker, whose lands are adjoining. 
Under the Protective policy A is fur- 
nishing B with bread and meat, and 
vegetables and fruits, and food for 
horses and oxen, and fresh supplies of 
horses and oxen themselves occasion- 
ally, and receiving in exchange all the 
iron, iron "Utensils, tools and implements 
he needs. In this process of exchange 
each receives the whole of that which 
the other parts with, and the reward of 
labor between them is perfect; each 
receiving the product of just so much 
labor as he has himself bestowed on 
what he parts with for it. But the 
change comes. The Protective policy is 
abandoned, and A determines to buy his 
iron and iron manufactures of C in 
Europe. This he can only do by a direct 
or an indirect exchange of the produce 
of his farm for them. We will suppose 
the direct exchange is adopted. In this 
A desires to exchange ten barrels of 
flour — the precise product of one hun- 
dred days' labor — for the largest quan- 
tity of iron, etc., that ha can get. C 



also wishes to exchange the precise 
product, in iron, of one hundred days' 
labor for the- greatest quantity of flour 
he can get. In intrinsic value the 
things to be exchanged are precisely 
equal. 

Wasteful Transportation. 

"But before this exchange can take 
place the flour must be carried from 
Pennsylvania to England and the iron 
from England to Pennsylvania. The 
flour starts. The wagoner who hauls it 
to Philadelphia takes a part of it for 
his labor; then a merchant there takes 
a little more for storage and forward- 
ing commission, and another takes a 
little more for insurance; and then the 
shipowner carries it across the water 
and takes a little more of it for his 
trouble. Still, before it reaches C it is 
tolled two or three times more for 
storage, drayage, commission, and so 
on; so when C gets it there are but 
seven and a half barrels of it left. The 
iron, too, in its transit from England to 
Pennsylvania goes through the same 
process of tolling, so that when it 
reaches A there are but three quarters 
of it left. The result of this case is 
that A and C have each parted with one 
hundred days' labor, and each received 
but seventy-five in return. That the 
carrying in this case was introduced by 
A ceasing to buy of B and turning to 
C; that it was utterly useless, and that 
it is ruinous in its effects upon A, 
are all little less than self-evident. 
"But," asks one, "if A is now only get- 
ting three-quarters as much iron from 
C for ten barrels of flour as he used to 
get of B, why does he not turn back to 
The answer is: "B has quit mak- 
ing iron, and so has none to sell." "But 
why did B quit making?" "Because A 
quit buying of him, and he had no 
other customer to sell to." "But, surely. 
"''id not cease buying of B with the 



expectation of buying of C on harder 
terms?" Certainly not. Let me tell 
you how that was. When B was mak- 
ing iron as well as C, B had but one 
customer, this farmer A; C had four 
customers in Europe." 

Falsity of the "Cheapest Market" 
Theory. 

It seems to be an opinion very gen- 
erally entertained that the condition of 
a nation is best whenever it can buy 
cheapest; but this is not necessarily 
true, because if, at the same time and 
by the same cause, it is compelled to 
sell correspondingly cheap, nothing is 
gained. Then it is said the best con- 
dition is when we can buy cheapest 
and sell dearest; but this again is not 
necessarily true, because with both these 
we might have scarcely anything to 
sell, or, which is the same thing, to 
buy with. To illustrate this, suppose 
a man in the present state of things 
is laboring the year round, at ten dol- 
lars per month, which amounts in the 
year to $120. A change in affairs en- 
ables him to buy supplies at half the 
former price, to get fifty dollars per 
month for his labor, but at the same 
time deprives him of employment dur- 
ing all the months of the year but 
one. In this case, though goods have 
fallen one-half, and labor risen five to 
one, it is still plain that at the end of 
the year the laborer is twenty dollars 
poorer than under the old state of 
things. 

Value of Constant Employment. 

These reflections show that to reason 
and act correctly on this subject we 
must look not merely to buying cheap, 
nor yet to buying cheap and selling 
dear, but also to having constant em- 
ployment, so that we may have the 
largest possible amount of something 
to sell. This matter of employment 



can only be secured by an ample, steady, 
and certain market to sell the products 
of our labor in. 

But let us yield the point, and admit 
that by abandoning the Protective 
policy our farmers can purchase their 
supplies of manufactured articles cheap- 
er than by continuing it; and then let 
us see whether, even at that, they will 
upon the whole be gainers by the 
change. To simplify this question, let 
us suppose the whole agricultural in- 
terest of the country to be in the hands 
of one man, who has one hundred la- 
borers in his employ; the whole manu- 
facturing interest to be in the hands 
of one other man, who has twenty la- 
borers in his employ. The farmer owns 
all the plowed and pasture land, and 
the manufacturer all the iron mines and 
coal banks and sites of water power. 
Each is pushing on his own way, and 
obtaining supplies from the other so 
far as he needs — that is, the manufac- 
turer is buying of the farmer all the 
cotton he can use in his cotton fac- 
tory; all the wool he can use in his 
woolen establishment; all the bread and 
meats as well as all the fruits and 
vegetables which are necessary for him- 
self and all his hands in all his de- 
partments; all the corn and oats and 
hay which are necessary for all his 
horses and oxen, as well as fresh sup- 
plies of horses and oxen themselves to 
do all his heavy hauling about his iron 
works and generally of every sort. The 
farmer in turn is buying of the manu- 
facturer all the iron, iron tools, wooden 
tools, cotton goods, woolen goods, etc., 
that he needs in his business and for 
his hands. 

Must Have Something to Buy With. 

But after a while the farmer dis- 
covers that were it not for the PRO- 
TECTIVE policy he could buy all of 
these supplies cheaper from a European 
manufacturer, owing to the fact that 



the price of labor is only one-quarter as 
high there as here. Ho and his hands 
are a majority of the whole, and, there- 
fore, have the legal and moral right to 
have their interest first consulted. 
They throw off the Protective policy, 
the farmer ceases buying of the 
home manufacturer. Very soon, how- 
ever, he discovers that to buy even 
at the cheaper rate requires something 
to buy with, and somehow or other he 
is falling down on this particular. 

All Things Belong to Labor. 

In the early days of our race the 
Almighty said to the first of our race, 
"In the sweat of thy face shalt thou 
eat bread"; and since then, if we expect 
the light and the air of heaven, no good 
thing has been or can be enjoyed by us 
without having first cost labor. And, 
inasmuch, as most good things are pro- 
duced by labor, it follows that all such 
things of right belong to those whose 
labor has produced them. But it has 
so happened in all the ages of the 
world that some have labored and others 
have without labor enjoyed a large pro- 
portion of the fruits. This is wrong, 
and should not continue. To secure to 
each laborer the whole product of his 
labor, or as nearly as possible, is a 
worthy object of any good government. 

How Can Government Help? 

But then, a question arises. How can 
a government best effect this? In our 
own country, in its present condition, 
will the Protective principle advance 
or retard this object? Upon this 
subject the habits of our whole species 
fall into three great classes — useful la- 
bor, useless labor and idleness. On 
these the first only is meritorious, and 
to it all the products of labor rightfully 
belong; but the two latter, while they 
exist, are heavy pensioners upon the 
first, robbing it of a large portion of its 



just rights. The only remedy for this 
is to, so far as possible, drive useless 
labor and idleness out of existence. And 
first, as to useless labor. Before mak- 
ing war upon this, we must learn to 
distinguish it from the useful. It ap- 
pears to me that all labor done directly 
and indirectly in carrying articles to 
the place of consumption, which could 
have been produced in sufficient abund- 
ance, with as little labor, at the place 
of consumption as at the place they 
were carried from, is useless labor. 

Needless Labor in Carrying. 

Let us take a few examples of the 
application of this principle to our own 
country. Iron and everything made of 
iron can be produced in sufficient 
abundance, and with as little labor in 
the United States as anywhere else in 
the world, therefore, all labor done in 
bringing iron and its fabrics from a 
foreign country to the United States 
is useless labor. The same precisely 
may be said of cotton, wool and of their 
fabrics, respectively, as well as many 
other articles. While the uselessness of 
the carrying labor is equally true of all 
the articles mentioned, and of many 
others not mentioned, it is perhaps more 
glaringly obvious in relation to the cot- 
ton goods we purchase from abroad. 
The raw cotton from which they are 
made itself grows in our own country, 
is carried by land and by water to Eng- 
land, is there spun, wove, dyed, stamped, 
etc., and then carried back again and 
worn in the very country where it 
grew, and partly by the very persons 
who grew it. Why should it not be 
spun, wove, etc., in the very neighbor- 
hood where it grows and is consumed, 
and the carrying thereby dispensed with? 
Has nature interposed any obstacle? 
Are not all the agents — animal power, 
water power and steam power — as good 
and as abundant here as elsewhere? Will 
not as small an amount of human labor 



answer here as elsewhere? We may 
easily see that the cost of this useless 
labor is very heavy. It includes not 
only the cost of actual carriage, but also 
the insurance of every kind, and the 
profits of the merchants through whose 
hands it passes. All these create a 
heavy burden falling upon the useful 
labor connected with such articles, 
either depressing the price to the pro- 
ducer or advancing it to the consumer, 
or, what is more probable, doing both 
in part. 

Cotton as an Illustration. 

A supposed case will serve to illus- 
trate several points now to the pur- 
pose. A, in the interior of South Caro- 
lina, has one hundred pounds of cot- 
ton, which we suppose to be the pre- 
cise product of one man's labor for 
twenty days. B, in Manchester, Eng- 
land, has one hundred yards of cotton 
cloth, the precise product of the same 
amount of labor. This lot of cotton 
and lot of cotton cloth are precisely 
equal to each other in their intrinsic 
value. But A wishes to part with his 
cotton for the largest quantity of cloth 
he can get. B also wishes to part with 
his cloth for the greatest quantity of 
cotton he can get. An exchange is, 
therefore, necessary; but before this can 
be effected the cotton must be carried 
to Manchester and the cloth to South 
Carolina. 

To Manchester and Back. 

The cotton starts to Manchester. The 
man that hauls it to Charleston in his 
wagon takes a little of it to pay him 
for his trouble; the merchant who^stores 
it awhile before the ship is ready to 
sail takes a little out for his trouble; 
the shipowner who carries it across the 
water takes a little out for his trouble. 
Still, before it gets to Manchester it is 
tolled two or three times more for dray- 



age, storage, commission, and so on, so 
that when it reaches B's hands there 
are but seventy-five pounds of it left. 
The cloth, too, in its transit from Man- 
chester to South Carolina goes through 
the same process of tolling, so that 
when it reaches A there are but seventy- 
five yards of it left. Now, in this case. 
A and B each have parted with twenty 
days' labor, and each received but fifteen 
in return. But let us suppose that B 
has removed to the side of A's farm in 
South Carolina, and has there made his 
lot of cloth. Is it not clear that he and 
A can then exchange their cloth and cot- 
ton, each getting the whole of what the 
other parts with? 

Imposes a Direct Burden. 

This supposed case shows the utter 
uselessness of the carrying labor in all 
similar cases, and also the direct burden 
it imposes upon useful labor. And who- 
ever will take up the train of reflection 
suggested by this case and run it out 
to the full extent of its just applica- 
tion, will be astonished at the amount 
of useless labor he will thus discover to 
be done in this very way. I am mis- 
taken if it is not in fact many times 
over equal to all the real want in the 
world. This useless labor I would have 
discontinued, and those engaged in it 
added to the class of useful laborers. 
If I be asked whether I would destroy 
all commerce, I answer, Certainly not; 
I would continue it where it is neces- 
sary and discontinue it where it is not. 
An instance: I would continue com- 
merce so far as it is employed in bring- 
ing us coffee, and I would discontinue 
it so far as it is employed in bringing 
us cotton goods. 

Would the Farmer Be the Gainer? 

But let us yield the point and admit 
by abandoning the Protective policy 
our farmers can purchase their, supplies 



of manufactured articles eheaper than 
before; and then let us see whether, 
even at that, the farmers will upon the 
whole be gainers by the change. To 
simplify this question, let us suppose 
our whole population to consist of but 
twenty men. Under the prevalence 
of the Protective policy, fifteen of 
these are farmers, one is a miller, one 
manufactures iron, one implements from 
iron, one cotton goods, and one woolen 
goods. The farmers discover that, ow- 
ing to labor only costing one-quarter as 
much in Europe as here, they can buy 
iron, iron implements, cotton goods and 
woolen goods cheaper when brought 
from Europe than when made by their 
neighbors. They are the majority, and 
therefore have both the legal and moral 
right to have their interest first con- 
sulted. They throw off the Protective 
policy and cease buying these ar- 
ticles of their neighbors. But they soon 
discover that to buy, and at the cheaper 
rate, requires something to buy with. 

Nothing Doing at the Furnace. 

Falling short in this particular, one 
of the farmers takes a load of wheat to 
the miller and gets it made into flour, 
and starts, as has been his custom, to 
the iron furnace. He approaches the 
well-known spot, but, strange to say, 
all is cold and still as death; no smoke 
rises, no furnace roars, no anvil rings. 

After some search he finds the owner 
of the desolate place and calls out to 
him: "Come, Vulcan* don't you want to 
buy a load of flour?" 

"Why," says Vulcan, "I am hungry 
enough, to be sure; haven't tasted bread 
for a week, but then you see my works 
are stopped and 1 have nothing to give 
you for your flour." 

"But, Vulcan, why don't you go to 
work and get something?" 

"I am ready to do so; will you hire 
me, farmer?" 




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12 



this country, in all industries, shall do 
its own work. By doing our own 
work we provide the opportunity of 
employment in every industry. This 
means complete diversification of in- 
dustry, and through the employment 
thus furnished we pay the highest 
wages in the world. Our Protective 
Tariff, in effect, during the entire his- 
tory of the country, with two excep- 
tions, has made this country the envy 
of the civilized world. 

There Should be no Adjectives. 

Last week I was down to Washing- 
ton and called on a United States 
Senator who is now serving his third 
tewn. Said he: "Hello, what kind 
of a Protectionist are you?" I replied: 
"I am a Protectionist." Said he: "I 
am glad to meet a Protectionist who 
doesn't use an adjective or an ad- 
verb." We are suffering from adjec- 
tives and adverbs; that is, one per- 
son will say he is a "high Protection- 
ist"; another person will say he is a 
"qualified Protectionist"; another per- 
son will say he is for "a Tariff for 
revenue only." We can meet the 
enemy without fear, if we stand to- 
gether. 

During the pacification of the dif- 
ferent tribes in the Philippines, there 
were seven tribes which gave a great 
deal of trouble. These seven tribes 
would not come together. Chiefs of 
these tribes individually said: "Let 
the Yankees come on and we will deal 
with +hem"; with the result that our 
army destroyed one tribe at a time 
and thus secured victory. If, however, 



the seven tribes had stood together, 
worked together and fought together, 
it would have taken an army many 
times as great as we had in the Phil- 
ippines to subdue the hostile tribes 
and bring the entire people under the 
control of our Government. 

Present Day Attacks on Protection. 

Now, in the last few years the Pro- 
tective Tariff system has been at- 
tacked in many ways. It was weak- 
ened by the Cuban treaty of 1903. 
It was attacked by the German Trade 
agreement of 1907. It has been attack- 
ed by the Canadian trade agreement, 
which has resulted in only one point 
of Free Trade, namely, in paper. It 
was attacked last summer by the Un- 
derwood Wool and Cotton bill. It is 
now being attacked by bills affecting 
individual schedules: by the Under- 
wood Iron and Steel Bill passed by 
the House of Representatives on Jan- 
uary 31, and now before the United 
States Senate; it will be attacked 
in a few days by a bill affecting 
chemicals; again, by a new Cotton 
bill; by a Free Sugar bill and by 
a new Woolen bill. 

My point in calling attention to the 
present condition is to impress upon 
you the necessity of Protectionists 
standing together. I do not believe in 
sending documents and printed mat- 
ter to Free Traders. Some years ago 
one of our best i'riends came to me 
and said: "Here is a list of about 
one thousand Free Traders. Send 
your literature to them. Find out the 



13 



effect if you can." We did so, and 
checked up the returns as carefully 
as we could. I don't think that one 
out of the thousand became a Pro- 
tectionist. People are not made Pro- 
tectionists by cold type; but Mr. A. 
goes to Mr. B. and says: "Mr. B., 
I have looked into this thing; I know 
I am right. Have you?" "No." 
That personal connection, that per- 
sonal friendship, will make a Pro- 
tectionist; and, as I said before, if 
this company here to-night will stand 
together as one man, banded together 
in confidence, faith, loyalty and de- 
votion to the cause which protects our 
industries and labor, you may have no 
fear as to the future. 

Tribute to Thomas W. Bradley. 

In the course of his address Mr. 
Wakeman paid a deserved tribute to 
a tried and true Protectionist, as fol- 
lows: 

With your permission, Mr. Toast- 
master, I wish to offer a toast. I 
wish to offer a toast to a Protectionist. 
I wish to offer a toast to a Protection- 
ist who in the State of New York was 
possibly more responsible than any 
other one man for the nomination of 
William McKinley for President of the 
United States in 1896. In offering 
this toast I quote from a personal let- 
ter dated December 21, 1895, as fol- 
lows: 

Try the oil of conciliation 
and compromise; at same time using 



your utmost endeavor to secure second 
choice (or first choice, in reality, if it 
is more politic) McKinley men as dele- 
gates. This is the plan with "us fel- 
lows" in country districts; I'm not the 
only McKinley would-be delegate in up- 
country districts keeping his mouth 
closed at present but expecting to win 
all the same at the finish. 

"I want to do for Gov. McKinley all 
that is in me to do." 



In proposing this toast I also wish 
to say that in the spring of 1896 this 
gentleman was elected as a delegate 
to the Republican National Conven- 
tion, and after his election as dele- 
gate he informed me that he should 
vote for William McKinley as the 
nominee of the Republican party 
first, last and all the time. This gen- 
tleman was one of the first men to 
hail William McKinley as the "ad- 
vance agent of prosperity." This gen- 
tleman broke the New York delega- 
tion and in my judgment was largely 
responsible for the nomination of 
William McKinley in 1896. 

I propose, Mr. Toastmaster, a toast 
to a man who has been taken away 
from you by the recent Democratic 
gerrymander of the State of New York, 
but who is still with you, and, if re- 
elected from his new district, wili rep- 
resent you as loyally and as faithfully 
as he has heretofore; and my toas 
is to Hon. Thomas W. Bradley, Rer 
resentative, Twentieth District of th 
State of New York. 



14 



A PROTECTION DECALOGUE. 



In Germany they know what Protec- 
tion is and should be. They don't 
worry over there about trusts and 
combinations, except to encourage and 
help them. They don't complain if 
German goods are sold abroad cheaper 
than at home, but are glad of it, for 
thereby Germany's foreign trade is 
extended and Germany's labor is em- 
ployed. There are no Tariff-for-reve- 
nue politics in Germany; no Insur- 
gents worrying about "the interests" 
and losing sleep because German in- 
dustry is too profitable and somebody 
is making money too fast. Neither does 
Germany sell out her farmers by let- 
ting in cheaper products from other 
countries without paying duties; on 
the contrary, her agricultural Tariff 
schedules are the highest of all her 
schedules. 

There are many things in Ger- 
many's economic and industrial policy 
which might with advantage be 
studied and imitated in the United 
States. For example, the new "Ten 
Commandments" (made in Germany) 
which have been printed as a pamph- 
let and are being circulated by the 
million copies throughout the Pather- 
and. They breathe a spirit of intense 
tatriotism — in the commercial sense 
-and distrust of foreign products. 

lere is the new German decalogue: 
t 

I. In spending money, however small 

ount, never lose sight of the in- 
Wlth ^ hem . nur com patriots and country, 
army destroyeorget that when you buy 
and thus secured 



an article from a foreign country, even 
though it may cost a copper coin, you 
diminish to that extent the wealth of 
your country. 

III. Your money ought only to bene- 
fit German merchants and workmen. 

IV. Do not profane the German na- 
tion, the German firm or the German 
workshop by using foreign machines or 
implements. 

V. Do not allow foreign meat to be 
served at your table. Using foreign 
meat is harmful to the German breeder. 
Besides, it may compromise ypur health, 
since foreign meats are not inspected by 
the German sanitary police. 

VI. Write on German paper with a 
German pen, and use a German blotting 
pad. 

VII. Wear only German clothes and 
German hats. 

VIII. German flour, German fruits 
and German beer alone give German 
strength. 

IX. Drink coffee which comes from 
German colonies. If . you prefer cocoa 
or chocolate, see that they are ex- 
clusively of German manufacture. 

X. Do not let the boasting of for- 
eigners turn you from these wise pre- 
cepts, and remember that the best 
products and the only ones worthy of 
a citizen of Great Germany are German 
products. 

This is Protectionism pure and 
simple; s*ound, sane, intelligent and 
consistent Protectionism. Go over 
these "Ten Commandments," and 
wherever the words "German" or 
"Germany" occur, change them to 
"American" and "America." Then 
you will have a Protection decalogue 
that exactly fits your own country. 
—Prom American Economist^ Sept. S, zgn. 



THE AMERICAN 
PROTECTIVE TARIFF LEAGUE 

was organized under the society laws of the state of New 
York in 1885. The object is explained by the second article 
of its constitution as follows : 

The object of this League shall be to Protect 
American labor by a Tariff on imports, which 
shall adequately secure American Industrial pro- 
ducts against the competition of foreigin labor. 



MEMBERSHIP IN THE AMERICAN PROTECTIVE 
TARIFF LEAGUE IS EXPLAINED BY THE FOLLOWING 
PLEDGE .' 

The undersigned hereby declares his devotion 
to American industrial independence and pledges 
himself to pay to The American Protective Tariff 
League annually the sum of One Hundred Dol- 
lars (or so much thereof as may be called for in 
any year by the Executive Committee), with the 
privilege of terminating this obligation by giving 
written notice to the General Secretary of the 
League on or before December 31st for each year 
thereafter. 



THE AMERICAN ECONOMIST 

published weekly by THE AMERICAN PROTECTIVE 

TARIFF LEAGUE, is the acknowledged authority on the 

Protective Tariff not only in the United States, but throughout 

the world. 

Subscription price, Domestic, &°<A0 a year ; Foreign, $2.50 a year. 

address: k 

AMERICAN PROTECTIVE TARIFF LEAGUE / 

No. 339 BROADWAY, NEW YORK. / 



THEY GOTTA QUIT KNOCKIN' THE TARIFF DOWN. 

[THE OZARK "ZINC" SONG.] 

Statesmen, when they get to town, 

Start a kickin' the Tariff round ; 
They're runnin' it 'way into the ground ; 

They gotta quit knockin' the Tariff down. 

They knock, and knock, and knock it 'round, 

Ad valorem and by the pound; 
Makes no diffrunce tho' our doctrine's sound, 

They gotta quit knockin' the Tariff down. 

Business they are tryin' to drown, 
With lies and arguments unsound ; 

The Tariff gives us 'nuff to go 'round ; 

They gotta quit knockin' the Tariff down. 

Traitors to American ground, 

Who treat their best friend like a hound, 
Will sure get theirs in the rebound; 

They'd better quit knockin' the Tariff down. 

C. E. Richardson. 
Washington, Feb. 26, 191 2. 

From American Economist of March 8th, 1912. 



My 73 



